SASC staffer: Bipartisan commitment to nuclear deterrent will hold
March 02, 2017
A staffer for the Senate Armed Services Committee said this week she expects lawmakers' strong
bipartisan commitment to the nuclear deterrent will hold, despite the fiscal
challenge of modernization over the next two decades.
Even with a possible $54 billion boost above Budget Control Act caps to $603 billion in
topline defense spending for fiscal year 2018, Rachel Lipsey, an assistant for
Sen. Joe Donnelly (D-IN), said Feb. 28 that as the committee looks at the cost
burden, it is looking for ways to adequately fund nuclear modernization while
supporting "smart acquisition policy."
Speaking to an audience at the Nuclear Deterrence Summit in Washington, Lipsey said the
committee is exploring "smart commonality" by looking at ways to reduce the
number of radiation-hardened, high-reliability electronic parts in the Air
Force's Ground-Based Strategic Deterrent, the follow-on to the Minuteman III
intercontinental ballistic missiles. Fewer of those parts will lower the
system's cost and risk, she said, pointing to lessons learned from the Navy's
Trident II life extension.
Last year, an Air Force-Navy assessment of potential commonality between GBSD and the Navy's
submarine-launched ballistic missile determined that using the Trident II
life-extension program to replace the ICBM fleet is infeasible due to "unique
operating environments, nuclear surety features and mission requirements," Inside
the Air Force previously reported.
The November 2016 report stated using a common electronic parts program that relies on the Navy's
investments in radiation-hardened parts is one of the Trident II life-extension
aspects that would offer "such clear benefit that the GBSD program will require
their compliance in the RFP and incorporate them into the resultant contract."
The committee is also readying for the nuclear posture review process ordered by President Trump
in January. Lipsey said the review will consider the role of legacy and planned
conventional systems, as well as what part Third Offset technologies like hypersonic
capability will play in a future deterrent.
Lipsey also noted the "increasingly concerning gap" in the circuit board and microelectronic
industry base that could affect industry's ability to meet reliability
standards for the nuclear deterrent. Inside Defense reported last month
a Commerce Department survey of American companies that produce bare printed
circuit boards found that industry is shrinking, with 27 of 202 facilities
expecting to contract or possibly close in the next five years.
Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. David Goldfein has also said the nuclear posture review could
explore the possibility of lower-yield, tactical nuclear weapons, an idea
Rebeccah Heinrichs, a nuclear policy fellow at the Hudson Institute, dismissed
as something Trump is unlikely to pursue. Center for Strategic and
International Studies Defense Budget Analyst Todd Harrison added America's
arsenal doesn't necessarily need to mirror those of other countries in
hypersonic or tactical capabilities, despite what potential adversaries may
pursue. Harris and Heinrichs were both on the Feb. 28 panel with Lipsey.
Heinrichs believes the long-range stand-off cruise missile could become an easy target in
strategic and budgetary debates, but GBSD won't be as controversial in the Trump
administration as it was under President Obama.
"I think we have seen the last of the Prague agenda, to put it mildly," she said of Obama's 2009
speech on nonproliferation in the Czech Republic.
Budget experts pointed out the fiscal dynamics on the Hill still aren't conducive to repealing
the Budget Control Act and using non-defense accounts to offset defense
priorities. Harrison called any attempt to pay for defense budget increases by
cutting non-defense spending a "poison pill" that won't gain traction in
Congress, and he believes few Republicans would want to lift the budget caps
entirely because they like the check on non-defense spending.
"I don't think the budget politics have changed that much because of the election," Harrison said.
Although 60 votes would be needed in the Senate to overturn those limits, he noted a simple
majority vote could possibly be used to change how the caps work. Harrison also
puts the odds of seeing a full-year continuing resolution after the current
stopgap spending bill ends in April at close to 99 percent.
Melissa Burnison, director of federal programs at the Nuclear Energy Institute, also said at the
conference that if a full budget justification is not released in May,
appropriations committees could mark up spending bills by using topline numbers
and filling in what lawmakers think program funding profiles should be.
Lipsey noted another hurdle to progressing on nuclear issues: confirming President Trump's
Pentagon and Energy Department nominees, many of whom have not been named.
"With the Defense Department nominees, Chairman [John] McCain has been very clear that he wants
all the paperwork done and ready, a complete package before we hold hearings,"
she said. "We are not getting that at the pace that would enable us to be
progressing through other confirmation hearings. Some of that is very visible
in the issues with the service secretaries kind of changing out as they've gone
through this process. I think it was more challenging than expected." --
Rachel S. Karas