Time to create a new quad for the Arctic Pacific to counter China and Russia: The US and Canada should turn to Japan and South Korea, two pivotal treaty allies with strategic interests and unique capabilities that could bolster Arctic security, according to analysts Chan Mo Ku and Jinwan Park.
Good idea but the authors have failed to acknowledge the small herd of policy elephants in the room. Their "new quad" suggests a coalition of nations in agreement on common interests. But differences in policy need to be examined as well.
It is accepted that Canada shares interests with Asian democracies like Japan and ROK (as well as Singapore). But none of those countries is bold (or foolish?) enough to challenge American assertions that the Northwest Passage should be considered as an international strait. So, in the Arctic, what exactly is Ottawa meant to see as common ground with Seoul or Tokyo?
Without falling into the ceaseless FONOPs debate, the US denies the existence of internal Canadian waters in the Arctic Archipelago. Canada is, thereby, violating US rights of innocent passage as well as "violating the law of the sea as set out in the Corfu Channel case." Which brings up another policy difference within the proposed "new quad".
The US Department of State must rely upon the 1947-49 Corfu Channel case because the US government has never ratified the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. (The only other maritime nations which the US shares this position with are: Israel; Peru; Syria; Turkey; and Venezuela.) By contrast, the other three proposed Quad members have all long-since ratified UNCLOS.
In 2019, LCdr Valérie Allard commented the conundrum that Ottawa would find itself in should the PRC recognize Canada's claims of sovereignty over the waters of the NWP. Are the other potential members of this Quad willing to thwart that threat by agreeing to Canadian internal waterway claims? (If this really is a matter of principle, their answer should be 'No'. Then, assume that Ottawa will continue to bite the pillow and see what transpires in the future.)
Fortunately, both policy issues can be dealt with unilaterally by Washington. In advance of proposing a "new quad" for the Arctic, Washington could ratify UNCLOS and acknowledge Canadian soveriegnty over the NWP as a distinct exception to that other 'law of the sea'. Otherwise, the Arctic just represents a rapidly changing environment in all aspects other than out-dated policy.