Served with three operational squadrons and held the world airspeed record for a while. Not unimpressive, and despite losing out in favour of the Hunter (also not without its issues) seems to have benefitted from the same baseless negative comments as the F7U.

I'd really like to know more about why it supposedly was so bad when there doesn't seem to be much evidence of it.
 

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Flying failures:
Blackburn Roc, Messerschmitt Me 210, kalinin K-7, Dornier Do 11, Gloster SS.37, Hawker PV.3, Bristol 123, Vickers 151, Supermarine 224, Westland PV.4, Blackburn F.3, Boulton Paul P.64, Piaggio Pc.7, Handley Page Hereford, Brewster SB2A, Breda Ba 88, Bloch 150, De Havilland DH 91, De Havilland DH 93, Airspeed AS.45, LWS Zubr, Romano R.110, Sharo Lerwick, Blackburn Botha, Silvanskii IS, Avro Manchester, Heinkel He 117, Curtiss SO3C, Caproni Campini N.1, Junkers Ju 322, Blackburn Firebrand, Bristol Buckingham, Bohm und Voss BV 40, Junkers Ju 287, General Aircraft GAL.56, Kokusai Ku-105, Avro Tudor, Leduc O.21, Fairey FD.1........
 

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Didn't the Swift do moderately well as a photo-recon aircraft?
It mentions that in the video. The reason it’s classed as a flying failure seemingly from the video was its poor safety record. And that it was retired from its built role incredibly fast.
 
It mentions that in the video. The reason it’s classed as a flying failure seemingly from the video was its poor safety record. And that it was retired from its built role incredibly fast.
The Hawker Typhoon, Republic Thunderbolt and MiG-3 were designed as high-altitude interceptors and quickly used in ground attack duties.;)
 
So aside from being retired early and having a 'poor safety record' (no evidence cited), nothing.

So does anyone have proof (primary source, not plagiarised Wiki)?
 
Put this to all those who say nasty and demeaning things about other people's bad airplanes:

If you know so much about bad airplanes, then you must know what to do to make good airplanes.

Where are the good airplanes you've made?
 
Put this to all those who say nasty and demeaning things about other people's bad airplanes:

If you know so much about bad airplanes, then you must know what to do to make good airplanes.

Where are the good airplanes you've made?


The historical reality is that in the design and construction of aircraft there have been more failures than successes: too many new technologies, engines, oxygen masks, pressure cabin, turbo compressor, variable propellers, fuels, extreme cold, ejector seats, heat resistant materials, jets, rockets, armament, electronics…per ardua ad Astra.
 

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So can anyone expand on why it's tagged there as a flying failure?
The Supermarine Swift had stability issues. See, for example, https://www.thunder-and-lightnings.co.uk/swift/history.php

These stability issues showed themselves as an unrecoverable pitch-up (pitch-up is a problem that's pretty common on swept-wing aircraft because swept-wing aircraft's wing tips tend to stall first. These are behind the c/g, so tips' stalling will cause the aircraft pitch to increase further),which was never really fixed. It wasn't as much of a problem in the photo-recon variants, as they would not tend to maneuver as much as the fighter variants would need to. There were also engine issues restricting high-altitude performance.
 
From Putnam's 'Supermarine', page 288 :-

"Later came a call to double the fire power of the two 30 mm Aden guns . . .
The first Mk 2 Swift, WK214. mounted four 30 mm Aden guns in the lower
fuselage, with ammunition stored in the wing roots. The extra space needed was
provided by forward extension of the inboard leading edges. The new wing shape
introduced by this change in geometry proved disastrous for it so altered the
airflow pattern that an uncontrollable manoeuvre known as pitch-up occurred
when g was applied at Mach 0.85 or above. If the pilot pulled the control column
back hard the nose reared up and instant correction could not prevent the
aeroplane flicking over on its back.This was quite unacceptable in a fighter as the
time and height taken for recovery would render it extremely vulnerable in combat."

And this from Gunston's 'Fighters of the Fifties', pp. 228-9 :-

"WK214, the first F.2 (Type 546), flew on December 12 1952. To accommodate the
ammunition for the extra pair of guns the inboard leading edge was kinked forward,
and this caused unacceptable pitch-up when pulling even modest g at Mach 0.85 or above.
At the same time, in early 1953, Avon reliability in the Swift was appalling.
After prolonged high-priority work on the inlet system the cause was traced to the engine
itself. One of the many companies making Avons had slightly changed the compressor
rotor-blade fixings and they had failed as a consequence.
More than 45 trial modifications to the wings sought to eradicate pitch-up, the final standard
including dog-teeth and extended outer sections."

cheers,
Robin.
 
Does anyone have primary source information showing deficiencies in the aircraft's design or performance?
 
The Swift Mk.1 suffered from tightening in turns, the Mk.2 having the c.g. moved forward, improved elevator control tensioning, and modified stick-elevator gearing and elevator tab movement. The drooped leading edge and dog-tooth were also introduced to counteract this.

The turning circle was also too large. Adding reheat and a variable incidence flying tail to the Mk.4 was meant to solve this problem but with the afterburner unlit the Mk.4 had an even worse turning circle than the Mk.1.
Mk.1: SL 1,900yd, 30,000ft 3,550yd, 40,000ft 5,800yd
Mk.4 (with reheat on): SL 1,450yd, 30,000ft 3,300yd, 40,000ft 5,450yd

The Central Fighter Establishment heavily criticised the Mk.1's elevator control, which became progressively less effective as height and speed increased (at 40,000ft the stick could be moved 4in fore and aft without any response) and became even worse when the airbrakes were opened in a dive. Engine surging and compressor stalls were deemed "totally unacceptable under combat conditions". The CFE concluded the Mk.1 was "a poor combat aircraft even in the limited role of bomber destroyer. In the fighter v. fighter role, which the Swift will certainly have to undertake in 2nd T.A.F, if not in the U.K., these failings do not give it even a fighting chance in combat."

As late as November 1954 the A&AEE concluded;
While the handling characteristics of the Swifts have greatly improved, the Marks 3 and 4 are still not in a condition to permit release to the Operational Command. Turn tightening largely removed but elevator effectiveness at speeds above M0.96 not yet satisfactory. Limits easily reached at M0.9 at max level speed without reheat.
By using the V.I tail trimmer as a flying control, in some conditions serious turn tightening can be induced, Ineffectiveness of elevators encourages greater use of the V.I. tail, restrictions might not be observed in service conditions.
Flying qualities of Mark 3 nearer acceptable release standard due to larger elevators lacking from Mk.4 due to V.I. tail.
Further boosting on Mark 3 may suffice and a simple modification expected to be available for Boscombe Down trials within a week or so. Report in December. Mark 4 more extensive, redesign of the elevator and greater power boosting or early introduction of full flying tail. Unofficial estimate of effective delay to delivery is three months.
Shock to hear despite their high priority requests for flying tail, the firm has a low priority. A clause from the contract was quoted from memory by the production representatives of the firm calling for development of the flying tail with “the least possible expenditure of public money”. DMARD astonished and undertook to get contract amended.

Ultimately the Mk.3 was rejected as unsuitable.

There were fuel leakage problems in the wing tanks until the Mk.4 at least.

There were problems with the ejection seat placement too as as pilots of above average height or body length could not safely raise their arms to the ejection blind without their elbows entering the slipstream.

Later it emerged that the RAE had criticised the manoeuvrability at high altitudes due to poor lift characteristics, based on wind tunnel tests in December 1950. The suggested drooped leading edge section and boundary layer fences were not introduced until April 1954 and Jan 1952 respectively. Eventually the MoS and RAE discussed the situation with Vickers firm and decided to "go ahead as designed and accept shortcomings that could not be rectified."
In February 1955 the Minister of Supply told the Cabinet that the first three Marks were not acceptable for service use and that the Mk.4 was "unlikely to be successful".

The MoS blamed the Air Ministry for a lack of an Operational Requirement when the Swift was ordered off the drawing board, the Air Ministry blamed the MoS for not telling them of all the problems and in short it became a complete mess.
I think the Mk.5 and Mk.7 were only continued with in a vain hope of keeping Supermarine's workers employed until Scimitar was in production and of obtaining some use for the millions wasted. The FR.5 was probably deemed to be acceptable enough given its low-altitude role and unlikeness to be mixing it with MiG-17s and MiG-19s at altitude.

Sources:
AIR 2/11158 Supermarine F.105P Operation Requirements (Swift)
AIR 2/11159 Supermarine F.105P Operation Requirements (Swift)
AIR 2/11160 Supermarine F.105P Operation Requirements (Swift)
AIR 2/11161 Supermarine F.105P Operation Requirements (Swift)
AIR 2/13554 Investigation into History of Hunter and Swift Aircraft: Operational Requirements Aspects
 
The Swift Mk.1 suffered from tightening in turns, the Mk.2 having the c.g. moved forward, improved elevator control tensioning, and modified stick-elevator gearing and elevator tab movement. The drooped leading edge and dog-tooth were also introduced to counteract this.

Snip.

So basically the Swift was a very expensive lemon?
 
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Sadly so.
There were radio and radar packaging issues too.
Add to it the dragmaster Scimitar and it's clear Supermarine had lost its touch.

That's not to say that the Hunter was immune to problems, it had issues too and they took time to resolve and Hawker seems as lethargic as Supermarine was in fixing issues - but ultimately the basic Hunter design was sound and the Swift had no redeeming qualities despite constant tinkering with it.

The Swift's empennage never looks right to me. It looks too small in all its guises and even the original Type 510 swept-wing Attacker had handling issues.

Has anyone ever explained why the Avon in the Swift Mk.4 had such problems with getting the afterburner to light at altitude?
 
Does anyone have primary source information showing deficiencies in the aircraft's design or performance?
TAH46 reprints a flight test report for the earlier Type 510 from Lt Elliot: "the Type 510 itself is not a particularly pleasant aircraft to fly and with a Rolls-Royce Nene engine it's performance at altitude was found to be very disappointing, in no way comparing with the only other comparable aircraft in this country the E.38/46 (P.1052)."

At the same time, it also took Hawker until the F.4 to get a Hunter that was acceptable for combat.

Looking back, it's difficult to see what value came from Supermarine post WW2 besides keeping some seats warm for 15 years.

Has anyone ever explained why the Avon in the Swift Mk.4 had such problems with getting the afterburner to light at altitude?
The early Avons seemed very finicky on the whole. Neither the intake nor exhaust designs for Swift look very good so could be related to this. But plenty of other types with the early Avons also suffered.
 
What was the problem with the Scimitar?
Just very draggy, with 22,500lbf of thrust you should be getting more than Mach 0.97.
Plus 51% of the fleet were lost in accidents, that seems very high, though there doesn't seem to have been any fundamental handling issues with the aircraft.

The early Avons seemed very finicky on the whole. Neither the intake nor exhaust designs for Swift look very good so could be related to this. But plenty of other types with the early Avons also suffered.
Yes, it seems the Avons were equally temperamental to relight on the Scimitar too.
 
Add to it the dragmaster Scimitar and it's clear Supermarine had lost its touch.
IMHO Supermarine had lost its touch well before that.

The original Spitfire design was improved beyond anything anyone dreamed of in 1938, but the definitive two-stage Griffon Spitfire with the new wing (the F.21) nearly missed the party altogether (while the lash-up XIV stole that show) and the "laminar-flow" development (Spiteful) never reached service status, only lasting as long as it did in development because early jets didn't handle carriers too well (ETA: and because the Attacker, aka "Jet Spiteful", was going into service with the same wing, so Supermarine could use the Seafang as a test bed for certain aspects of the Attacker's development.)

Joseph Smith's Supermarine was wonderful at incremental evolution, it seems, but true quantum leaps were beyond it.
 
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Plus 51% of the fleet were lost in accidents, that seems very high, though there doesn't seem to have been any fundamental handling issues with the aircraft.
Not to distract from the overall criticism, but this was a pretty dangerous time for naval aviation in general. Aircraft getting heavier, faster approach speeds meant less time to stabilize an approach for pilots and LSO's (or batmen, for the RN), higher stall speeds, necessary spool times, short and crowded decks, often straight decks. It took sometime for everyone to adjust operations for jet aircraft, and the heavier types in particular.
A lot of naval aircraft acquired a bad reputation for "safety" in the decade before the experience and angled decks caught up to the new reality. Landings were being directed by the LSO until mid-50's when the optical systems were commissioned. Accidents actually increased until they brought back the LSO's in conjunction with the OLS systems.
More was going on in the 50's safety-wise than aircraft deficiencies.
 
Not to distract from the overall criticism, but this was a pretty dangerous time for naval aviation in general.
For military aviation full stop. They were pushing the limits, and sometimes they went beyond them without a good enough safety net.

Naturally, landing on a carrier at that ragged edge could only ever have made it worse.
 
Not to distract from the overall criticism, but this was a pretty dangerous time for naval aviation in general.
Plus its only a small number, 39 crashes out of a very small production run. The headline statistic probably looks worse than it really is.
 
Plus its only a small number, 39 crashes out of a very small production run. The headline statistic probably looks worse than it really is.
39 out of a production run of 76. And that is over the period of about 14 years from Jan 1957, when the first aircraft rolled off the production line, until it was withdrawn from service with the Fleet Requirements Unit about 1970.
 
But that was a completely different version with many revisions.
In the Thyphoon and Thunderbolt, the failure as interceptors consisted of the poor aerodynamic design of the wing and the engine cowling that caused structural damage due to compressibilty buffeting during high-altitude dive flights. In the MiG the problem was the lack of power, the poor design of the fuel pumps, the excessive weight of the engine and the poor training of the pilots in high-altitude flights.
 
In the Thyphoon and Thunderbolt, the failure as interceptors consisted of the poor aerodynamic design of the wing and the engine cowling that caused structural damage due to compressibilty buffeting during high-altitude dive flights. In the MiG the problem was the lack of power, the poor design of the fuel pumps, the excessive weight of the engine and the poor training of the pilots in high-altitude flights.
I can't really comment on the Typhoon as I am not familiar enough with the history of that design, but did the Thunderbolt really fail as an interceptor? More than anything the sort of fighters the USAAF and RAF required shifted over to designs able to perform as long-range escorts. The finely tuned engine variant used by the P-47M was a source of constant trouble, but I think it was quite capable at intercepting V-1s and other high-speed threats. I don't think the Soviets received a particularly large number of lend-lease Thunderbolts, but didn't they hold them in reserve particularly for use as high-altitude interceptors?

Were there any high-performance wartime prop fighters that didn't face big problems with compressibility in a high-altitude dive? It was a huge problem for the P-38 too which in many respects had very fine aerodynamics. Was it a slightly less of an issue on the P-51 due to the wing?
 
I can't really comment on the Typhoon as I am not familiar enough with the history of that design, but did the Thunderbolt really fail as an interceptor? More than anything the sort of fighters the USAAF and RAF required shifted over to designs able to perform as long-range escorts. The finely tuned engine variant used by the P-47M was a source of constant trouble, but I think it was quite capable at intercepting V-1s and other high-speed threats. I don't think the Soviets received a particularly large number of lend-lease Thunderbolts, but didn't they hold them in reserve particularly for use as high-altitude interceptors?

Were there any high-performance wartime prop fighters that didn't face big problems with compressibility in a high-altitude dive? It was a huge problem for the P-38 too which in many respects had very fine aerodynamics. Was it a slightly less of an issue on the P-51 due to the wing?
- In 1937, during a series of diving-flight tests conducted in the Rechlin test centre, one Messerschmitt Bf 109 B-0 pulled into the lake Müritz on 17 July. The Messerschmitt test pilot Dr. Kurt Jodlbauer was killed becoming in the first victim of the compressibility.

The odd aerodynamic phenomenon, usually defined under the term compressibility buffeting was suffered by different type of aircraft diving between 25,000 ft and 18,000 ft, at different speeds and manifested itself in different ways.

The aircraft were suddenly out of control, the ailerons did not respond properly, the tail plane suffered a violent flutter and the control column jumped in the pilot hands as if alive. The whole airframe was under a high frequency vibration that sometimes caused catastrophic structural failures.

The cause of all this was an odd physical phenomenon known by aerodynamicists as Coanda effect. It stated that any fluid running above a curve surface tends to adhere to it and increase its speed proportionally to its curvature.

On 4 November 1941 the Lockheed test pilot Ralph Virden was killed when his YP-38 broke up during a dive recovery test.

The problem with the Lightning manifested itself at 0.675 Mach as a turbulence generated in the junction between the pilot nacelle and the wing. At 0.73 Mach, the disturbance reached the tail plane, pressing down the control surface that could not be operated by the pilot, to get the airplane out from the diving.

A number of P-38’s lost empennages and the aircraft earned a reputation as a pilot killer.

In the Thunderbolt, the disturbance was generated by the cowling of the engine and tended to jam the tail plane at 0.805 Mach, with loss of control or even loss of the tail assembly.

On 26 March 1942 a structural failure on the rear fuselage of the P-47B caused the separation of the empennage and the test pilot George W. Burrell was killed.

The Mach critical number of the Grumman F6F was 0.75, in the Pacific theatre many Hellcat pilots dived to their deaths because of compressibility.

In the P-51 D structural damage occurred at 0.85 Mach.

In the P-38 and P-47, dive-recovery flaps were the eventual solution. Both airplanes were equipped with an electrically driven dive flap that opened up to 35 degrees in less than one second. Its purpose was not to act as an airbrake, given that at 25,000 ft. it would not have produced a significant loss of speed. However, the turbulence generated when opening the dive flap, raised the nose of the machine and effectively took it off from the diving.

It is an accepted fact nowadays that the Allies designers never understood the true causes behind the compressibility phenomenon. At the end of the war, when they had access to the research conducted by the Germans on the areas of swept wings, the transonic flux, the Mach critical number of the air intakes with an air-flow separator for the boundary layer.

The cultural shock was similar to that one produced in the Newtonian world with the introduction of the relativistic physics.

The difficulty to understand these problems during the forties was due to the lack of tunnels for testing aerodynamic designs with supersonic capabilities.

The only way to study the supersonic performance of a scale model was to install it over the wing of a fast airplane and film it during a high speed dive. At that moment, the air reaches local supersonic speed over the wing, but the airplane has not yet got into the uncontrolled phase of the flight.

This type of research was dangerous and difficult to perform, rendering results that were either distorted by the vibrations of the carrier plane of by unclear films, due to the loss of transparency of the air caused by the turbulence.



In the spring of 1942 it became clear that Eighth Air Force bombers were suffering too many casualties during their daytime missions over Europe and had to be escorted by fighters.

On June 1942 the 31st Fighter Group was equipped with Spitfires Mk.V, but its reduced range only allowed them to escort the bombers to Amsterdam, located just 175 thousand (280 km) from their bases.

In September, the P-38Fs of the 14th F.G. carried out some escort missions before being transferred to Algeria.

In December 1942 the P-47Cs began operating with the Eighth Air Force, these aircraft had an internal fuel capacity of 1,154 liters and could offer protection up to Paris.

At the time the Luftwaffe had only 100 fighters in the Occidental Front and used to remain inactive until the Thunderbolts began to retreat when they were 230 thousand (370 km) from their bases.

The P-47s participated in numerous combats over Ruhr during the spring of 1943, the heavy fighter could successfully face the Fw 190A above 14,800 ft (4,500 m) but was outperformed in climb rate by the German fighters.

At 10,000 ft (3,000 m) and 400 kph the roll rate of the P-47C was 84 degrees/sec and the Fw 190A was 160 degrees/sec. At heights below 3,000 m the Thunderbolt could only survive thanks to its extraordinary structural robustness.

The P-47C could reach Frankfurt fitted with a drop tank of 409 liters, but this equipment was not available until September 1943.

During the fall the Thunderbolts began using a new type of 625 liters ventral drop tank, but even this was not enough to prevent the bombers from paying a high price to reach Berlin by being attacked with impunity by the German fighters.

Between January and November 1943 the Jagdwaffe had increased the number of aircraft on the Western Front from 670 to 1,660.

The Mustang was considerably cheaper ($58,698) than the P-47 ($104,258), had an escort range of 748 thousand (1,200 km) and could protect bombers over Berlin and even Prague. It was also faster than the P-47 and surpassed the Fw 190 and Bf 109 G in dog fight at any altitude. In mid-1944 the USAAF decided to equip with P-47 thirteen Fighter Groups of the 9th Tactical Air Force considering that strong airframe and powerful armament of the Thunderbolt would be very useful in strafing missions.

Acting as fighter-bombers, the P-47s managed to destroy 3,315 airplanes (in the ground), 9,000 locomotives, 86,000 wagons, 6,000 armoured vehicles and 68,000 trucks, after the Mustangs achieved the air superiority over the Reich.

In November 1941, a number of Luftwaffe fighter-bombers Messerschmitt Bf 109 F-4/B from the 10.(Jabo)/JG2 and 10.(Jabo)/JG26, based in Caen/Carpiquet, started operating on the Channel Front attacking shipping and port towns, with SC 250 bombs, around the south-east coast of England.

To meet the menace the Typhoon was prematurely pressed into service while still so unprepared.



The massive Tiffie proved to be 40 mph faster than the Spitfire Mk.VB (below 20,000 ft) and the Air Staff hoped that it could successfully face the Fw 190, despite their disappointing climb rate, lack of performance in altitude and unreliable power plant.



The morning of 6 September 1942, the British radar positioned along the Eastern coast of the island, detected several airplanes coming from Southeast.

They were six Messerschmitt Me 210 A-1 Zerstörer of the 16./KG6 that had taken off an hour before in a Frei Jagd mission from the Dutch base of Soesterburg. The Me 210 was the most modern of the Luftwaffe fighters. Their crews, coming from units of Bf 110, had just one month experience with the new model and were in their first operational sortie.

Several Hawker Typhoon Mk.IB of the RAF No. 1 Squadron (code JX) went out to intercept them. The unit, based in Acklington, had exchanged their Hurricanes by the Typhoons in July and this was also their first combat with the new Hawker model. The Zerstörer was very fast - 350 mph at 17,820 ft. - and the Typhoons flew at 412 mph at the same altitude.

It was a difficult interception with the British starting a steep dive at 30,000 ft. to gain speed. In the rarefied air the 7 tons machines accelerated violently and when reaching 25,000 ft, with the instruments reading 450 mph, the aircrafts were actually flying at 675 mph. (Mach 0.64). At this point, the Typhoons were suddenly out of control. The ailerons did not respond properly, the horizontal tail plane suffered a violent flutter and the control column jumped in the pilot hands as if alive.

The whole structure was under a high frequency vibration, transferring to the pilot a feeling similar to an electric current, and the air that circulated through the radiator went in the opposite direction than usual!

At Mach 0.75, a shock wave was formed above the wings and the air around the cockpit went white. At 20,000 ft, the denser air started to restrain the airplanes, but when reaching 18,000 ft. in a most puzzling way, the controls were again working fine.

Even after such a terrifying experience, the British pilots still had the courage to reach two Zerstörers (2H + HA and 2N + CA) and shot them down over Yorkshire.

Back in Acklington, they reported the deficiencies and the pilot notes had to be rewritten.

Designed for structural strength, the wing of the Typhoon was very thick (18% thickness/chord ratio) and in the superior curvature the air flux made itself locally supersonic at 0.64 Mach, producing a shockwave and, therefore, huge structural charges in the tail and in the rear section of the fuselage.

During the air battles with the Fw 190, some Typhoons suffered structural failures in the tail assembly and others failed to pull out of their dives, or simply vanished while flying over sea.

No less of 155 such failures occurring and evidence was slowly accumulating on the transport joint just forward of the tailfin.

To strengthen this point, engineers made a wreath of 20 fishplates bolted around the suspect joint, but the problem was not completely solved after 26 deadly accidents, the decision was made to abandoning the primary task for which the Typhoon has actually been designed.

On the second half of 1942 their role was changed from low-level interceptor to a fighter-bomber and night intruder, during full-moon periods.

The I-200 high-altitude Soviet interceptor was designed in 1939 by the Polikarpov Design Bureau, inheriting all the deficiencies of its lineage and thus proving the correctness of the Latin sentence Errare humanum est, sed perseverare, diabolicum. (To err is human, but to persist is diabolical).

The extremely short fuselage had originally been designed for the I-185 fighter (powered by one radial engine) and was totally inadequate to compensate for the long and heavy AM-35A V-12 engine, with 1,350 hp.

During the flight tests performed on August 29, 1940, the prototype showed longitudinal instability, heavy control, and a dangerous tendency to flat spin.

It was difficult to fly and deadly in combat for an inexperienced pilot. Its instability at high speeds could make aerial gunnery difficult and requiring constant pilot intervention to remain on target.

A feature common to all Polikarpov fighters was the ‘snaking effect’ that affected weapon accuracy during combat maneuvers.

The triangular wing planform, with leading and trailing edge sweep and larger roots that tapered to the tips, were the cheapest compromise between performance, strength and drag. It was strong at the root, light at the tips and easy to build, and could be lethal, because the strongly tapered wings had a dangerous tendency to low-speed stall.

In combat, the I-200 was prone to spinning out of a steep banking turn. Despite the seriousness of the shortcomings displayed by the prototype, it was ordered into immediate mass production, as OKO MiG-1, in September 1940.

Some aircraft from GAZ-1 were delivered to the VVS-RKKA (Soviet Air Force) and PVO (Soviet Air Defense Force) in April 1941, but little is known of their performance in combat because more than half of all Soviet fighters were destroyed on the ground or in the air within 48 hours of the Luftwaffe assault.

Meanwhile the Mikoyan-Gurevich Design Bureau (OKO-Kiev) worked feverishly to correct the MiG-1 deficiencies.

The MiG-3 was ordered into production in December 1940, but the improvements added nearly 500 lb. to the take-off weight and exacerbated its instability at high speeds. Its poor climb performance was caused by the excessive weight (1,830 lb.) of the AM-35A engine (Soviet version of Fiat A.20 V.12 with single-stage gear-driven supercharger) and the steel wing spar.

The aircraft was originally designed as a high-altitude interceptor with 37,700 ft. (11,500 m) service ceiling, but in practice few MiG-3 managed to reach that altitude due to the poor design of the fuel and oil pumps and the M-100's supercharger malfunction, as the impeller alloy AK-1 was prone to material fatigue.

In real combat conditions some planes entered irrecoverable spins flying at 30,000 ft. (9,150 m).

The MiG-3 had a take-off weight of 7,395 lb. (3,350 kg) at a time when the Yak-1 weighed 6,309 lb. (2,858 kg) and the Messerschmitt Bf 109 F-1 4,943 lb. (2,239 kg).

Designers were forced to reduce the armament to just three machine guns so as not to further degrade its climb performance.

On the Eastern Front most air-to-air combats were at altitudes below 16,400 ft. (5,000 m). The Yak-1 and LaGG-3 fighters powered by M-105 P (Hispano-Suiza 12 Y) engines attacked the German Henschel Hs 126 reconnaissance planes and the Junkers Ju 87 dive bombers as they tried to escape the Messerschmitt Bf 109 F fighters.

Attempts to use the MiG-3 as ground attack airplane and frontal low altitude fighter were a bloody failure.

The aircrafts used by the PVO in Moscow's defense failed to reach the high-flying Ju 86 P-2s during the day and, at night, their inaccurate PAK-1 gunsights, the low optical quality of the Plexiglas windscreen and the poor firepower, proved inadequate to destroy the Heinkel He-111 H bombers fitted with 270 kg armor.

Production of the MiG-3 was stopped in December 1941 and six fighter regiments in charge of the defense of Moscow were equipped with Lend-Lease Hawker Hurricanes Mk.II A and Mk.IIB.
 
In regards to the Hawker Typhoon one of its' major problems is that its' Napier Sabre engine suffered from serious reliability problems IIRC.
 

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